Battle of Fort Sumter in the American Civil War

The Battle of Fort Sumter was fought April 12-14, 1861, and was the opening engagement of the American Civil War. In the wake of President Abraham Lincolns election in November 1860, the state of South Carolina began debating secession. On December 20, a vote was taken in which the state decided to leave the Union. Over the next several weeks, South Carolinas lead was followed by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. As each state left, local forces began seizing federal installations and property. Among those military installations to hold out were Forts Sumter and Pickens in Charleston, SC and Pensacola, FL. Concerned that aggressive action could lead the remaining slave states to secede, President James Buchanan elected not to resist the seizures.   Situation in Charleston In Charleston, the Union garrison was led by Major Robert Anderson. A capable officer, Anderson was a protà ©gà © of General Winfield Scott, the noted Mexican-American War commander. Placed in command of the Charleston defenses on November 15,1860, Anderson was a native of Kentucky who had formerly owned slaves. In addition to his even temperament and skills as an officer, the administration hoped his appointment would be viewed as a diplomatic gesture. Arriving as his new post, Anderson immediately faced heavy pressure from the local community as he attempted to improve the Charleston fortifications. Based at Fort Moultrie on Sullivans Island, Anderson was dissatisfied with its landward defenses which had been compromised by sand dunes.   Nearly as tall as the forts walls, the dunes could have facilitated any potential attack on the post. Moving to have the dunes cleared away, Anderson quickly came under fire from the Charleston newspapers and was criticized by city leaders. Forces and Commanders Union Major Robert Anderson85 men Confederate Brigadier General P.G.T. BeauregardAbout 500 men A Near Siege As the final weeks of the fall progressed, tensions in Charleston continued to rise and the garrison of the harbor forts was increasingly isolated. Additionally, the South Carolina authorities placed picket boats in the harbor to observe the activities of the soldiers. With the secession of South Carolina on December 20, the situation facing Anderson grew more grave. On December 26, feeling that his men would not be safe if they remained at Fort Moultrie, Anderson ordered them to spike its guns and burn the carriages. This done, he embarked his men in boats and directed them to sail out to Fort Sumter. Located on a sand bar at the mouth of the harbor, Fort Sumter was believed to be one of the strongest fortresses in the world. Designed to house 650 men and 135 guns, construction of Fort Sumter had begun 1827 and was still not complete. Andersons actions enraged Governor Francis W. Pickens who believed that Buchanan had promised that Fort Sumter would not be occupied. In actuality, Buchanan had made no such promise and had always carefully crafted his correspondence with Pickens to allow maximum flexibility of action in regard to the Charleston harbor forts. From Andersons standpoint, he was simply following orders from Secretary of War John B. Floyd which instructed him to shift his garrison to whichever fort you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance should fighting commence. Despite this, the leadership of South Carolina viewed Andersons actions to be a breach of faith and demanded that he turn over the fort. Refusing, Anderson and his garrison settled in for what essentially became a siege. Resupply Attempts Fail In an effort to resupply Fort Sumter, Buchanan ordered the ship Star of the West to proceed to Charleston. On January 9, 1861, the ship was fired upon by Confederate batteries, manned by cadets from the Citadel, as it attempted to enter the harbor. Turning to depart, it was hit by two shells from Fort Moultrie before escaping. As Andersons men held the fort through February and March, the new Confederate government in Montgomery, AL debated how to handle the situation. In March, newly elected Confederate President Jefferson Davis placed Brigadier General P.G.T. Beauregard in charge of the siege. Working to improve his forces, Beauregard conducted drills and training to teach the South Carolina militia how to operate the guns in the other harbor forts. On April 4, having learned that Anderson only had food to last until the fifteenth, Lincoln ordered a relief expedition assembled with an escort provided by the US Navy. In an attempt to ease tensions, Lincoln contacted South Carolina Governor Francis W. Pickens two days later and informed him of the effort. Lincoln stressed that as long as the relief expedition was allowed to proceed, only food would be delivered, however, if attacked, efforts would be made to reinforce the fort. In response, the Confederate government decided to open fire on the fort with the goal of forcing its surrender before the Union fleet could arrive. Alerting Beauregard, he dispatched a delegation to the fort on April 11 to again demand its surrender. Refused, further discussions after midnight failed to resolve the situation. Around 3:20 a.m. on April 12, Confederate authorities alerted Anderson that they would open fire in one hour. The Civil War Begins At 4:30 a.m. on April 12, a single mortar round fired by Lieutenant Henry S. Farley burst over Fort Sumter signaling the other harbor forts to open fire. Anderson did not reply until 7:00 when Captain Abner Doubleday fired the first shot for the Union. Low on food and ammunition, Anderson endeavored to protect his men and minimize their exposure to danger. As a result, he restricted them to only using the forts lower, casemated guns which were not situated to effectively damage the other harbor forts. Bombarded for thirty-four hours, Fort Sumters officers quarters caught on fire and its main flag pole was felled. While Union troops were rigging a new pole, the Confederates dispatched a delegation to inquire if the fort was surrendering. With his ammunition almost exhausted, Anderson agreed to a truce at 2:00 PM on April 13. Prior to evacuating, Anderson was permitted to fire a 100-gun salute to the US flag. During this salute a pile of cartridges caught fire and exploded, killing Private Daniel Hough and mortally wounding Private Edward Galloway. The two men were the only fatalities to occur during the bombardment. Surrendering the fort at 2:30 p.m. on April 14, Andersons men were later transported to the relief squadron, then offshore, and placed aboard the steamer Baltic. Aftermath of the Battle Union losses in the battle numbered two killed and the loss of the fort while the Confederates reported four wounded. The bombardment of Fort Sumter was the opening battle of the Civil War and launched the nation into four years of bloody fighting. Anderson returned north and toured as a national hero. During the war, several attempts were made to recapture the fort with no success. Union forces finally took possession of the fort after Major General William T. Shermans troops captured Charleston in February 1865. On April 14, 1865, Anderson returned to the fort to re-hoist the flag he had been forced to lower four years earlier.

Community And Public Health Nursing Promoting The Publicapos;s

Essays on Community And Public Health Nursing: Promoting The Public's Health (8th Edition) 2014, Assignment Elder Abuse Elder Abuse Elder abuse is a rather sad picture of mistreatment of the old. Lachs and Pillemer(2004) observes that elder abuse has received increasing attention in the past decade and is a significant cause of morbidity among the old. The common types of elder abuse include neglect, emotional, physical, sexual or fiduciary abuse (Lachs Pillemer , 2004). Neglect refers to the intentional failure of the caregiver to provide basic and essential care to an adult or the aged (Acierno, et al., 2010 ). Emotional abuse is described as the infliction of psychological pain, anguish or distress by use of verbal or non-verbal acts (Bond Butler , 2013 ).on the other hand, physical abuse refers to the infliction of bodily harm, impairment or physical pain by use of physical force (Gorbien Eisenstein , 2011). Sexual abuse describes any form of non-consensual sex with an elderly individual (Acierno, et al., 2010 ). Lastly, fiduciary abuse refers to financial or material exploitation o f an elderly individual through an improper use of his/her assets, property or funds (Lachs Pillemer , 2004). In view of elder abuse, community nurses can intervene at all levels of prevention: primary, secondary and tertiary. At the primary prevention, community nurses can engage in health promotion, education and protection. Their key roles would be providing positive coping strategies, social support and guidance. Furthermore, they can reduce factors that increase vulnerability as well as reducing hazards (Phelan , 2010 ). At the secondary prevention, community nurses can establish an early diagnosis, provide prompt treatment and report abuse. Finally, at the tertiary prevention, community nurses can provide rehabilitation services and continue with primary prevention strategies to avert future abuse (Phelan , 2010 ).ReferencesAcierno, R., Her, M., Amstadter, A., Resnick, H., Steve, K., Muzzy, W., et al. ( 2010 ). Prevalence and Correlates of Emotional, Physical, Sexual, and Fin ancial Abuse and Potential Neglect in the United States: The National Elder Mistreatment Study. American Journal of Public Health, 100(2), 292–297. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2009.163089.Bond , M., Butler , K. ( 2013 ). Elder abuse and neglect: definitions, epidemiology, and approaches to emergency department screening. Clinics in Geraitric Medicine, 29(1), 257-73. doi: 10.1016/j.cger.2012.09.004.Gorbien, M., Eisenstein , A. (2011). Elder abuse and neglect: an overview. Clinics in Geriatric Medicine, 21(2), 279-92.Lachs , M., Pillemer , K. (2004). Elder abuse. Lancet, 364(9441), 1263-72.Phelan , A. (2010 ). Elder abuse and the community nurse: supporting the patient. British Journal of Community Nursing, 15(10), 472-8.

American Involvement In The Cuban Revolution Essay Example For Students

American Involvement In The Cuban Revolution Essay The revolution in Cuba was not a result of economic deprivation, nor becauseof high expectations in the economy, it was the political factors andexpectations which evoked the civilians to revolt. The Cuban economy wasmoving forward at the time before the rebellion but the dominant influenceof the sugar industry made the economy assymetrical and encouraged nodynamic industrial sector. Because of the dependance on sugar, theunemployment rate ranged between 16 and 20% rising and falling with sugarprices, ebbing and flowing as the season changed. The rural wage levelswere incredibly unsteady and unpredictable; the standard of living was low. Dependance on the sugar industry did not retard the economy of Cuba, justthe wages of its workers. It was the leaders of the nation who reapedprofit from this dependance, and it was the leaders of the nation whoinsisted on keeping the nation the way it was. By the mid 1950s, however,the middle class had expanded to 33% of the population. Democracy, as weknow it, broke down: the large middle class did not assert democraticleadership, there was no social militancy in the working class ranks, andthe people found order preferable to disarray. Batista could no longerlegitimize his regime . Failure in the elections of 1954 showed thediscontent of the people, and failure in communications with the UnitedStates illustrated its discontent. Finally, opposing forces confrontedBatistas power: there were street protests, confrontations with thepolice, assault, sabotage, and urban violence. This began the revolutionin Cuba. America, with its stubborn ideas and misjudgements of character, forcedCastro to turn to the Soviets for alliance and aid. When Castro visitedthe United States in April, 1959, there were different respectedindividuals holding different views of him and his future actions. Nixonbelieved Castro to be naive, some others thought him a welcome change fromBatista, still others called him an immature but effective leader, withouta well formed view of how to lead a revolutionary movement and not overlyconcerned with abstract of philosophical matters (p. 55). Why, then, didthe United States impress nit-picky ideals like there should not becommunists in the Army or in labor, or Cubas approach to the Batistatrials is totally unacceptable, too casual, too nonchalant on thisforming leader? Castro was like an inexperienced murderer with a gun inhis hand: any rustle in the background could set off his nervous triggerfinger causing death, destruction, and liaisons with the U.S.S.R. WhenAmerica expre ssed dislike of the trial procedures Castro was holding, ofcourse he (Castro) would try to prove he was able to run his country byhimself and snub the U.S. ambassador. The United States had so muchinvested in Cuba that it was stupid to think that Cuba could not retaliatewhen the U.S. cut off sugar imports. America was just too sure of itselfthinking it could get away with criticism and acts like that when animmature leader was in control. Cuba was not totally dependant on theUnited States and proved itself so. If Cuba could not find help andsupport in America, it sought elsewhere for those who smiled on its actionsand ideals. Castro found friends in Russia; the United States made thisso. Succeeding and failing have alot to do with judgement. For the UnitedStates, the revolution was a failure because the result was a communistnation in the Carribean. For the revolutionarie s in Cuba, the revolutionaccomplished many of their goals: capitalism was abolished and socialisminstalled eroding class distinctions and eliminating private property, theworking conditions improved, womens rights improved, labor unions wererecogniz ed, the military became more modern and advanced, political orderwas restored, the status of the country improved from dependant toindependant, and many more. For the people of Cuba, therefore, therevolution can be viewed as a success (if communism ca n be seen asacceptable), but for America, the result was a failure. .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .postImageUrl , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:hover , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:visited , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:active { border:0!important; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:active , .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9 .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u94c85377e868adea5eb95dcf317311a9:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Culture, Nature Freedom: Treating Juvenile Offenders. EssayLatin America is one of the poorest and underdeveloped sections of theworld. Because of this fact, it is difficult for its nations to compete andthrive in the world market with modern nations as they struggle toindustrialize and improve their status. Capitalism, as a basis for aneconomy, means that each man has to struggle to make a living, that eachman may fail and starve, and that each man may get a lucky break andthrive. We saw this struggle of the lower classes clearly in Mexico duringtheir industrialization. With communism, a man may not become of greaterstatus than he is born with, but then again that status is no better thanhis neighbors; this man is, however, guaranteed a certain amount of land,for example, and a certain home and a certain salary. To the poor, thosethreatened by the extreme of starving, this idea is very appitizing. To anation undergoing change, where there are many poor and these poor co uldget hurt by the industrialization, communism is appealing in every way. The United States has to learn that it is not in total control. Wecannot go around condemning countries which hold procedures different thanour own. The developing count ries in Latin America must struggle througheconomically and politically hard times to reach their own maturity; thismeans experimentating with different styles of government to find out whichis best for the specific country. If America wants democrac y to reignover the Carribean, Central, and South America, it should make the ideaappealing, show these countries that it can work. America should supportstrong democratic leaders, encourage capitalistic moves they (thecountries) make, and advise the nations when they need or ask for it. Mexico is an example where democracy worked, in Cuba, it didnt. Forcewill get us nowhere in preventing the spread of communism, either willcutting off relations with countries who are still debating U. S. A. or U. S. S. R. America has too many interests in Latin America to force itinto alliance with the Soviets. If America is supportive and acts like afriendnot a dictatorthese nations will develop naturally and see thatdemocracy is the best for them.